The message to Western partners, including the United States, is clear: Ukraine is not preparing to make far-reaching concessions to Vladimir Putin’s territorial or geopolitical demands.
Instead, Kyiv is doubling down on the military and security institutions it sees as central to its survival.
The first move caught many by surprise. Andriy Yermak, Zelensky’s powerful and long-serving chief of staff who resigned in November, is set to be replaced by Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine's chief of military intelligence.
While Budanov’s name had occasionally surfaced in speculation about potential successors, his appointment seemed unlikely given the civilian character of the presidential administration.
Yermak, 54, had been widely viewed as Zelensky’s right-hand man and, in practice, a kind of de facto vice president—particularly because of his prominent role in international diplomacy surrounding the war and peace talks.
A civilian official with close personal ties to the president, he was often considered untouchable despite persistent allegations, substantiated or not. These ranged from unresolved corruption claims to criticism over a failed Ukrainian operation to detain Wagner Group militants that ended in a major scandal before Russia’s full-scale invasion.
Budanov represents a sharp contrast. At 40, the popular and media-shy intelligence chief is widely credited with many of Ukraine’s intelligence and sabotage successes since the war began.
Unscarred by scandal so far, he consistently ranks among the country’s most trusted public figures, alongside Zelensky and Valerii Zaluzhnyi, the former commander-in-chief of the armed forces who is often mentioned as a potential future presidential contender.
Budanov’s elevation sends a blunt signal: while Zelensky’s government still hopes for peace, it is preparing ever more seriously for a prolonged war—and has not abandoned the idea of victory.
That signal is reinforced by a proposed reshuffle at the defense ministry.
Denys Shmyhal, the former prime minister who now serves as defense minister, is expected to be replaced by Mykhailo Fedorov, the first deputy prime minister and minister for digital transformation.
At just 34, Fedorov is widely regarded as Ukraine’s leading authority on digitization and emerging technologies. His appointment would underscore Kyiv’s strategic bet on technology as a force multiplier.
High-tech drone systems—not traditional heavy armor—already form the backbone of Ukraine’s defense. Given Russia’s vastly superior manpower, this approach may be Ukraine’s only realistic path to sustaining military effectiveness.
Further changes include replacing Budanov as head of military intelligence with Lt. Gen. Oleh Ivashchenko, who until now served as chief of foreign intelligence.
A shake-up is also anticipated at the State Border Guard Service, long viewed as one of the weakest links in Ukraine’s state apparatus—a judgment familiar to anyone who has spent hours waiting at the Polish-Ukrainian border.
Reforming border and customs services has been a long-standing priority.
Another notable move is the appointment of Sergiy Kyslytsya, until recently Ukraine’s ambassador to the United Nations, as Budanov’s deputy.
Kyslytsya is one of Kyiv’s most experienced diplomats, while Budanov himself is believed to have strong ties with US intelligence services, forged through years of cooperation, training and the maintenance of mutual trust.
The Budanov-Kyslytsya tandem is designed to enhance Ukraine's strategic planning and negotiating capacity.
Zelensky has described his goal as transforming the presidential office into a central decision-making hub—overseeing military development, peace talks and the broader security apparatus.
Domestic politics also matter. Polls consistently show that Ukrainians place their highest trust in the military and security services—including military intelligence, the SBU and the armed forces—while confidence in political institutions such as parliament and the government lags far behind.
That imbalance may help explain why Zelensky is increasingly surrounding himself with figures from the security establishment.
One discordant note is the removal of SBU chief Vasyl Maliuk, a move opposed by senior commanders.
Maliuk is expected to remain within the security apparatus and, according to the president, will focus on special operations such as the high-profile Spiderweb operation and the demolition of sections of the Crimean Bridge.
Reports suggest that Maliuk’s sidelining stemmed from a dispute with Zelensky and that he resigned under pressure. These accounts, however, remain speculative—there is more rumor than confirmed fact.
Taking over from Maliuk as SBU chief is Maj. Gen. Yevhen Khmara, until now commander of the SBU’s elite Alfa Special Operations Center.
A senior officer who has served with Alfa since 2011, Khmara assumed command of the unit in 2023 after taking part in the deoccupation of the Kyiv region at the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion and fighting in the Donetsk region.
He is therefore another battle-tested general who will now lead one of Ukraine’s most important security institutions.
Taken together, these reshuffles point to Zelensky’s determination to strengthen the country’s security structures and consolidate power around a strategy focused on military resilience rather than political compromise.
They also send a broader signal that Ukraine is not preparing to sign an unjust peace.
That message resonates with the findings of a recent survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, which shows that after four years of grinding war, 53 percent of Ukrainians still oppose making territorial concessions to Russia.
Natalia Bryżko-Zapór
Natalia Bryżko-Zapór. Photo: И. Завиша
The author is head of Polskie Radio dla Zagranicy, the Polish public broadcaster's international service.